Helmut Schmidt
Helmut Heinrich Waldemar Schmidt (German pronunciation: [ˈhɛlmuːt ˈʃmɪt] (listen); 23 December 1918 – 10 November 2015) was a German politician and member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), who served as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) from 1974 to 1982.
|Chancellor of Germany|
|In office|
|President||Gustav Heinemann|
|Vice Chancellor||Hans-Dietrich Genscher|
|Preceded by||Willy Brandt|
|Succeeded by||Helmut Kohl|
|Federal Minister of Foreign Affairs|
|In office|
|Chancellor||himself|
|Preceded by||Hans-Dietrich Genscher|
|Succeeded by||Hans-Dietrich Genscher|
|Federal Minister of Finance|
|In office|
|Chancellor||Willy Brandt|
|Preceded by||Karl Schiller|
|Succeeded by||Hans Apel|
|Federal Minister for Economics|
|In office|
|Chancellor||Willy Brandt|
|Preceded by||Karl Schiller|
|Succeeded by||Hans Friderichs|
|Federal Minister of Defence|
|In office|
|Chancellor||Willy Brandt|
|Preceded by||Gerhard Schröder|
|Succeeded by||Georg Leber|
|Bundestag Leader of the SPD Group|
|In office|
|Deputy||Egon Franke|
|Preceded by||Fritz Erler|
|Succeeded by||Herbert Wehner|
|Member of the Bundestag|
|In office|
|Preceded by||Nikolaus Jürgensen|
|Succeeded by||Rolf Niese|
|Member of the Bundestag|
|In office|
|Preceded by||Willy Max Rademacher|
|Succeeded by||Rolf Meinecke|
|Member of the Bundestag|
|In office|
|In office|
|Senator of the Interior of Hamburg|
|In office|
|First Mayor||Paul Nevermann|
|Preceded by||Wilhelm Kröger|
|Succeeded by||Heinz Ruhau|
|Personal details|
|Born|
|Died||10 November 2015|
|Resting place||Ohlsdorf Cemetery|
|Political party||Social Democratic Party|
|Spouse(s)|
|Domestic partner||Ruth Loah (2012–2015)|
|Children||2|
|Alma mater||University of Hamburg|
|Signature|
|Military career|
|Allegiance||Nazi Germany|
|Service/||Luftwaffe|
|Years of service||1937–1945|
|Rank||Oberleutnant (d.R.)|
|Unit||1st Panzer Division|
|Battles/wars||Second World War|
|Awards||Iron Cross 2nd Class|
(West Germany)
16 May 1974 – 1 October 1982
Walter Scheel
Karl Carstens
Egon Franke
(West Germany)
17 September 1982 – 4 October 1982
(West Germany)
7 July 1972 – 16 May 1974
(West Germany)
7 July 1972 – 15 December 1972
(West Germany)
22 October 1969 – 7 July 1972
(West Germany)
14 March 1967 – 22 October 1969
Martin Hirsch
Ernst Schellenberg
for Hamburg-Bergedorf
20 October 1969 – 18 February 1987
for Hamburg-Nord II
15 October 1957 – 17 October 1965
for Hamburg
19 October 1965 – 19 October 1969
6 October 1953 – 6 October 1957
13 December 1961 – 14 December 1965
Herbert Weichmann
Hamburg, German Republic
Hamburg, Germany
Before becoming Chancellor, he had served as Minister of Defence (1969–1972) and as Minister of Finance (1972–1974). In the latter role he gained credit for his financial policies. He had also served briefly as Minister of Economics and as acting Foreign Minister. As Chancellor, he focused on international affairs, seeking "political unification of Europe in partnership with the United States" and issuing proposals that led to the NATO Double-Track Decision in 1979 to deploy US Pershing II missiles to Europe.[1] He was an energetic diplomat who sought European co-operation and international economic co-ordination and was the leading force in creating the European Monetary System in 1978. He was re-elected chancellor in 1976 and 1980, but his coalition fell apart in 1982 with the switch by his coalition allies, the Free Democratic Party.
He retired from Parliament in 1986, after clashing with the SPD's left wing, who opposed him on defence and economic issues. In 1986 he was a leading proponent of European monetary union and a European Central Bank.
Background, family, early life and educationEdit
Helmut Schmidt was born as the eldest of two sons of teachers Ludovica Koch (10 November 1890 – 29 November 1968) and Gustav Ludwig Schmidt (18 April 1888 – 26 March 1981) in Barmbek, a working-class district of Hamburg, in 1918.[2] Schmidt studied at Hamburg Lichtwark School, graduating in 1937.[3] Schmidt's father was born the biological son of a German Jewish banker, Ludwig Gumpel, and a Christian waitress, Friederike Wenzel,[4] and then covertly adopted, although this was kept a family secret for many years.[5][6] This was confirmed publicly by Schmidt in 1984, after Valéry Giscard d'Estaing revealed the fact to journalists, apparently with Schmidt's assent. Schmidt himself was a non-practising Lutheran.[7]
Schmidt was a group leader (Scharführer) in the Hitler Youth organisation until 1936, when he was demoted and sent on leave because of his anti-Nazi views.[8][9] However, newly accessible documents from 1942 praise his "Impeccable national socialist [Nazi] behaviour", and in 1944 his superiors mentioned that Schmidt "stands the ground of national socialist ideology, knowing that he must pass it on."[10][11] On 27 June 1942, he married his childhood sweetheart Hannelore "Loki" Glaser (3 March 1919 – 21 October 2010). They had two children: Helmut Walter (26 June 1944 – 19 February 1945, died of meningitis), and SusanneBloomberg Television.[12][13] Schmidt resumed his education in Hamburg after the war, graduating in economics and political science in 1949.[3]
Military serviceEdit
Schmidt planned to study without interruption, therefore volunteered at age 18 for military service in 1937. He began serving with an anti-aircraft battery of Luftwaffe at Vegesack near Bremen. In World War II, after brief service on the Eastern Front during the invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 (including the Siege of Leningrad), he returned to Germany in 1942 to work as a trainer and advisor at the Ministry of Aviation.[3] During his service in World War II, Schmidt was awarded the Iron Cross 2nd Class.[14] He attended the People's Court as a military spectator at some of the show trials for officers involved in the 20 July plot, in which an unsuccessful attempt was made to assassinate Hitler at Rastenburg, and was disgusted by Roland Freisler's conduct.[15] Toward the end of the war, from December 1944 onwards, he served as an Oberleutnant in the Flakartillery on the Western Front during the Battle of the Bulge and the Ardennes Offensive. He was captured by the British in April 1945 on Lüneburg Heath, and was a prisoner of war until August of that year in Belgium.[16] In 1958 Schmidt was promoted to Hauptmann of the Bundeswehr reserve.[17]
Early yearsEdit
Schmidt joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1946, and from 1947-48 was the leader of the Socialist German Student League, the student organisation of the SPD. Upon graduating from the University of Hamburg, where he read Economics, he worked for the government of the city-state of Hamburg, working in the department of Economic Policy. Beginning in 1952, under Karl Schiller, he was a senior figure heading up the Behörde für Wirtschaft und Verkehr (the Hamburg State Ministry for Economy and Transport).[3]
He was elected to the Bundestag in 1953, and in 1957 he became a member of the SPD parliamentary party executive. A vocal critic of conservative government policy, his outspoken rhetoric in parliament earned him the nickname Schmidt-Schnauze ("Schmidt the Lip").[18] In 1958, he joined the national board of the SPD (Bundesvorstand), and campaigned against nuclear weapons and the equipping of the Bundeswehr with such devices. He alarmed some in his party by taking part in manoeuveres as a reserve officer in the newly formed Bundeswehr. In 1962, he gave up his seat in parliament to concentrate on his tasks in Hamburg.[3]
SenatorEdit
The government of the city-state of Hamburg is known as the Senate of Hamburg, and from 1961 to 1965, Schmidt was the Innensenator: the senator of the interior.[3] He gained a reputation as a Macher (doer) – someone who gets things done regardless of obstacles – by his effective management during the emergency caused by the 1962 flood, during which 300 people drowned. Schmidt used all means at his disposal to alleviate the situation, even when that meant overstepping his legal authority, including employing the federal police and army units (ignoring the German constitution's prohibition on using the army for "internal affairs"; a clause excluding disasters was not added until 1968). Describing his actions, Schmidt said, "I wasn't put in charge of these units – I took charge of them!"[19][20] He saved a further 1,000 lives and swiftly managed the re-housing of thousands of the homeless.
Return to federal politicsEdit
In 1965, he was re-elected to the Bundestag. In 1967, after the formation of the Grand Coalition between the SPD and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), he became chairman of the Social Democratic parliamentary party, a post he held until the elections of 1969. In 1968, he was elected deputy party chairman, a post that he held until 1983. Unlike Willy Brandt and Gerhard Schröder, he never became chairman of the party.[3]
In October 1969, he entered the government of Willy Brandt as defense minister.[21] During his term in office, the military conscription time was reduced from 18 to 15 months, while at the same time increasing the number of young men being conscripted.[22] Additionally, Schmidt decided to introduce the Bundeswehr universities in Hamburg and Munich to broaden the academic education of the German officer corps, and the situation of non-commissioned officers was improved.[23] In July 1972, he succeeded Karl Schiller as Minister for Economics and Finances, but in November 1972, he relinquished the Economics department, which was again made a separate ministry. Schmidt remained Minister of Finances and faced the prospect of rising inflation. Shortly before the Oil Shock of 1973, which rattled Britain and United States, Schmidt agreed that European currencies should be floated against the US Dollar. He remained in charge of finance until May 1974.[3]
ChancellorEdit
Schmidt became Chancellor of West Germany on 16 May 1974, after Brandt's resignation in the wake of an espionage scandal. The worldwide economic recession was the main problem his administration faced, and Schmidt took a tough and disciplined line, in reduction of public spending.[24] Schmidt was also active in improving relations with France. Together with the French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, he was one of the fathers of the world economic summits, the first of which assembled in 1975.[25] In 1975, he was a signatory of the Helsinki Accords to create the Conference for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the precursor of today's OSCE.[26] In 1978, he helped set up the European Monetary System (EMS), known as the "Snake in the Tunnel".
He remained as Chancellor after the 1976 federal election, in coalition with the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP).[27] He adopted a tough, uncompromising line with the indigenous Red Army Faction (RAF) extremists. In October 1977, he ordered an anti-terrorist unit of Bundesgrenzschutz policemen to end the Palestinian terrorist hijacking of a Lufthansa aircraft named Landshut, staged to secure the release of imprisoned RAF leaders, after it landed in Mogadishu, Somalia. Three of the four kidnappers were killed during the assault on the plane, but all 86 passengers were rescued unharmed.[28][29]
Schmidt was re-elected as Chancellor in November 1980.[30][31] Concerned about the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the Soviet superiority regarding missiles in Central Europe, Schmidt issued proposals resulting in the NATO Double-Track Decision, concerning the deployment of medium-range nuclear missiles in Western Europe, should the Soviets not disarm. This decision was unpopular with the German public. A mass demonstration against the deployment mobilised 400,000 people in October 1981.[32]
At the beginning of his period as chancellor, Schmidt was a proponent of Keynesian economics, and pursued expansionary monetary and fiscal policies during his tenure. Between 1979-82, the Schmidt administration pursued such policies in an effort to reduce unemployment. These were moderately successful, as the fiscal measures introduced after 1977, with reductions in income and wealth taxes and an increase in the medium-term public investment programme, were estimated to have created 160,000 additional jobs in 1978–79, or 300,000 if additional public sector employment was included in the figure.[33] The small reduction in the unemployment rate, however, was achieved at the cost of a larger budget deficit (which rose from 31.2 billion DM to 75.7 billion DM in 1981), brought about by fiscal expansion.[34]
During the 1970s, West Germany was able to weather the global financial storm far better than almost all the other developed countries, with unemployment and inflation kept at comparatively low levels. During the 1976 election campaign, the SPD/FDP coalition was able to win the battle of statistics, whether the figures related to employees' incomes, strikes, unemployment, growth, or public sector debts. Amongst other social improvements, old age pensions had been doubled between 1969–76, and unemployment benefits increased to 68% of previous earnings.[35]
Whilst visiting Saudi Arabia in April 1981, Schmidt made some unguarded remarks about the Israel-Palestine conflict that succeeded in aggravating the delicate relations between Israel and West Germany. Asked by a reporter about the moral aspect of German-Israeli relations, he stated that Israel was not in a position to criticise Germany due to its handling of Palestinians, and "That won't do. And in particular, it won't do for a German living in a divided nation and laying moral claim to the right of self-determination for the German people. One must then recognize the moral claim of the Palestinian people to the right of self-determination." On 3 May, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin denounced Schmidt as "unprincipled, avaricious, heartless, and lacking in human feeling", and stated that he had "willingly served in the German armies that murdered millions." Begin was also upset over remarks that Schmidt had made on West German television the previous week, in which he spoke apologetically about the suffering Germany inflicted on various nations during World War II; but made no mention of the Jews. On his flight home from Riyadh, Schmidt told his advisers that war guilt could not continue to affect Germany's foreign relations.[36]
Schmidt was the first world leader to call upon newly elected French president François Mitterrand, who visited Bonn in July 1981. The two found themselves in "complete agreement" on foreign policy matters and relations with the United States and the Soviet Union, but differed on trade and economic issues.[37]
By the end of his term, however, Schmidt had turned away from deficit spending, due to a deteriorating economic situation, and a number of welfare cuts were carried out,[38] including smaller increases in child benefits and higher unemployment and health contributions.[39] Large sections of the SPD increasingly opposed his security policy, while most of the FDP politicians strongly supported that policy. While representatives of the left-wing of the Social Democratic Party opposed reduction of the state expenditures, the FDP began proposing a monetarist economic policy. In February 1982, Schmidt won a motion of confidence; however on 17 September 1982, the coalition broke apart, with the four FDP ministers leaving his cabinet. Schmidt continued to lead a minority government composed only of SPD members, while the FDP negotiated a coalition with the CDU/CSU. During this time, Schmidt also headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On 1 October 1982, parliament approved a constructive vote of no confidence and elected CDU chairman Helmut Kohl as the new chancellor. This was the only time in the history of the Federal Republic that a chancellor was removed from office in this way.[40]
Life after politicsEdit
In 1982, along with his friend Gerald Ford, he co-founded the annual AEI World Forum.[41] The following year he joined the nationwide weekly Die Zeit newspaper as co-publisher, also acting as its director from 1985 to 1989.[3][42] In 1985, he became managing director. With Takeo Fukuda he founded the Inter Action Councils in 1983. He retired from the Bundestag in 1986. In December 1986, he was one of the founders of the committee supporting the EMU and the creation of the European Central Bank.[3]
Contrary to the line of his party, Schmidt was a determined opponent of Turkey's bid to join the EU.[43] He also opposed phasing out nuclear energy,[44] something that the Red-Green coalition of Gerhard Schröder supported.[45] In 2007, Schmidt described the climate debate as "hysterically overheated".[46] When asked about social media, Schmidt said he perceived the internet as "threatening". He was particularly concerned about the superficiality of communication on the web.[47]
On 16 May 2014, Schmidt said the situation in Ukraine was dangerous, because "Europe, the Americans and also Russia are behaving in a way that Christopher Clark, described in his book The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914 that's very much worth reading, as the beginning of World War I: like sleepwalkers."[48]
Schmidt was the author of numerous books on his political life, on foreign policy, and political ethics. He made appearances in numerous television talk shows, and remained one of the most renowned political publicists in Germany until his death.[49]
FriendshipsEdit
Schmidt described the assassinated Egyptian president Anwar Sadat as one of his friends from the world of politics, and maintained a friendship with ex-president Valéry Giscard d'Estaing of France. His circle also included former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who went on record as stating that he wished to predecease Helmut Schmidt, because he would not wish to live in a world without him.[50]
He was also good friends with former Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. At the 4th G7 summit in 1978, the two discussed strategies for the upcoming Canadian federal election, and Schmidt gave him advice on economic policy.[51] In 2011, Schmidt made a pilgrimage to the Trudeau family vault in St-Rémi-de-Napierville Cemetery, accompanied by Jean Chrétien and Tom Axworthy.[52]
Personal lifeEdit
Schmidt admired the philosopher Karl Popper, and contributed a foreword to the 1982 Festschrift in Popper's honor.[53]
Schmidt was a talented pianist, and recorded piano concertos of both Mozart and Bach with German pianist and conductor Christoph Eschenbach. Schmidt recorded Mozart's piano concerto for three pianos, K. 242, with the London Philharmonic Orchestra directed by Eschenbach in 1982 with pianists Eschenbach and Justus Frantz for EMI Records (CDC 7 47473 2). In that recording, according to the CD's liner notes, Schmidt played the part written for Countess Antonia Lodron's youngest daughter Giuseppina, "almost a beginner" who commissioned the work. The part brilliantly "enables any reasonably practiced amateur to participate in a performance". The same musical notes also indicate that Schmidt and Frantz had played duets during Frantz's student days. In 1990 Schmidt joined Eschenbach, Frantz, Gerhard Oppitz and the Hamburg Philharmonic Orchestra in Deutsche Grammophon's recording of Bach's Concerto in A minor for four harpsichords, BWV 1065.[54]
All his adult life, Schmidt was a heavy smoker. He was well known for lighting up during TV interviews and talk shows. On 13 October 1981, Schmidt was fitted with a cardiac pacemaker.[55]
On 25 January 2008, German police launched an inquiry after an anti-smoking initiative charged that Schmidt was defying the recently introduced smoking ban. The initiative claimed that Schmidt had been flagrantly ignoring anti-smoking laws. Despite pictures in the press, the case was subsequently dropped after the public prosecutor's office ruled that Schmidt's actions had not been a threat to public health.[56]
On 6 April 2010, with a lifespan of 33,342 days, he surpassed Konrad Adenauer in terms of longevity, and at the time of his death was the oldest former chancellor in German history.[57]
His wife of 68 years, Loki Schmidt, died on 21 October 2010, aged 91.[58]
At the beginning of August 2012, Schmidt gave an interview on German television and revealed that at 93 years of age, he had fallen in love again. His new life-partner was his over 57 years long-standing associate Ruth Loah (27 September 1933 – 23 February 2017).[59][60]
Illness, death and state funeralEdit
On 2 September 2015, Schmidt underwent surgery for a vascular occlusion in his right leg.[61] On 17 September, he was discharged from hospital.[62] After initial improvement, his condition worsened again on 8 November, with his doctor saying he "feared for the worst".[63] Schmidt died in his Hamburg home on the afternoon of 10 November 2015, aged 96.[64][65][66] At the time of his death, he was the longest-lived German Chancellor.
A state funeral for Schmidt was held on 23 November at the Protestant (Lutheran) St. Michael's Church, Hamburg, where Loki Schmidt's funeral had been held. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, in remarks to mourners, said, "He will be missed. He was an astute observer and commentator, and it was with good reason that he had a reputation for dependability." Others who spoke included former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Speaking in German, he lauded Schmidt for "vision and courage", based on the principles of "reason, law, peace and faith", and said Schmidt had been "a kind of world conscience".
Among the 1,800 who attended were German President Joachim Gauck, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and former French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, whose tenure in office paralleled Schmidt's as German chancellor. Other guests included former chancellor Gerhard Schröder, former presidents Christian Wulff, Horst Köhler, Roman Herzog and Hamburg's mayor Olaf Scholz.[67] A flag-draped coffin containing the remains of the former chancellor, also a former German defense minister, was escorted by the German Army's Wachbataillon from St. Michael's to Ohlsdorf Cemetery for a private interment ceremony.[68] Helmut Schmidt's remains were buried there one day later, in the family grave alongside the remains of his parents and his wife, Loki.[69]
Honours and awardsEdit
Helmut Schmidt received a number of accolades, among them was the Grand Cross Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany, which he chose not to accept in Hanseatic tradition in line with the history of independence of this city.[70]
In 2003, the university of Germany's federal armed forces in Hamburg was renamed Helmut Schmidt University – University of the Federal Armed Forces Hamburg in 2003, in honour of the politician who – as minister of defense – had introduced mandatory academic education for German career officers.[71]
Freedom of the CityEdit
- 1983: Hamburg[72]
- 1983: Bonn[73]
- 1983: Bremerhaven[74]
- 1989: Berlin[75]
- 1995: Güstrow[76]
- 1998: State of Schleswig-Holstein[77]
Honorary degreesEdit
Throughout his tenure as chancellor, and even thereafter, Helmut Schmidt received 24 honorary degrees. They include degrees from the British universities Oxford and Cambridge, Paris Sorbonne, the American Harvard and Johns Hopkins universities, the Belgian Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, and the Keio University in Japan.[78]
FoundationsEdit
The Bundeskanzler-Helmut-Schmidt-Stiftung was established in 2016 by the German Bundestag as one of six non-partisan foundations commemorating politicians. Its aim is to honour Helmut Schmidt’s historic achievements and to work on political issues Helmut Schmidt was concerned with throughout his political life and which have lost none of their relevance today.[79] The foundation's headquarters are located in Hamburg.
AwardsEdit
- 1978: Theodor Heuss Prize for his crisis management in the time of RAF-Terror[80]
- 1978: Peace Prize of the Louise Weiss Foundation in Strasbourg[81]
- 1986: Athena Award of the Alexander S. Onassis Foundation[81]
- 1988: Red Cross Four Freedoms Award[82]
- 1989: Prize "The Political Book" award of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation for Men and Powers[83]
- 1990: Friedrich-Schiedel-Literaturpreis for Men and Powers[84]
- 1996: Spanish journalism prize Godo[81]
- 1998: Carlo Schmid-Prize[85]
- 2001: Gold Medal of the Foundation Jean Monnet, for his dedication in the service of the European Monetary Union (together with his friend, the former French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing)[86]
- 2002: Martin Buber-Plaque[87]
- 2002: Dolf Sternberger-Prize[88]
- 2005: Prix des Generations of the initiative VIVA 50plus[3]
- 2005: Oswald von Nell-Breuning-Prize of the city of Trier[89]
- 2005: Adenauer-de Gaulle Prize, for his work at the Franco-German cooperation (along with Valéry Giscard d'Estaing)[90]
- 2007: Henry Kissinger Prize of the American Academy in Berlin[91]
- 2007: Global Economy Prize of the Kiel Institute for the World Economy[92]
- 2008: Osgar Media Award of the Bild Zeitung[93]
- 2009: Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy Prize[94]
- 2010: Point-Alpha-Prize[95]
- 2010: Henri-Nannen-Prize for his journalistic lifetime achievement[96]
- 2011: Millennium-Bambi[97]
- 2012: Eric M. Warburg Prize[98]
- 2012: Westphalian Peace Prize[99]
- 2013: Hanns Martin Schleyer Prize. The Schleyer family's decision to award him this prize 36 years after Schleyer's death deeply moved him.[100][101]
- 2014: German-French Journalists Prize[102]
- 2015: Gustav-Stresemann-Prize of the Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons of Germany[103]
Controversies over service in World War IIEdit
In 2017, after Minister of Defense Ursula von der Leyen issued an order to remove Wehrmacht memorabilia from barracks and other institutions of the Bundeswehr, a photo of the young Lieutenant Helmut Schmidt in Wehrmacht uniform was removed from the military’s Helmut Schmidt University in Hamburg. Although the photo is now displayed again, the initial decision has caused a debate over Schmidt's service in the Wehrmacht. According to Der Spiegel, von der Leyen initially distanced herself from this decision, yet after a few days, she explained that Schmidt, as Minister of Defense and later Chancellor, was important in the formation of the Bundeswehr as a democratic army, but his time in the Wehrmacht had nothing to do with this.[104] Historian Michael Wolffsohn argues that Schmidt avoided explaining about what he had done between 1940 and 1945." He further comments that the whole Schmidt affair reveals that while the Bundeswehr is not "a state within state", there is an uncritical milieu in the Bundeswehr that does not correspond to the spirit of the majority in the German society and might get larger if unchecked. He recommends that the photo be displayed again, but with explanations.[105] Theo Sommer, a prominent journalist and former Chief of Planning Staff for the Ministry of Defence, while agreeing that the military leadership should pay attention to extremism within the Bundeswehr, criticizes von der Leyen for her overreaction and Wolffsohn for false represention of Schmidt's attitude. According to Sommer, Schmidt had always been frank about his service on the Eastern Front: while he denied that he had ever seen or known about mass extermination of Jews in Russia, Schmidt admitted he often had to shoot at villages and then recognized the smell of burnt flesh. Schmidt said the troops were never taught about the Geneva Conventions, and by standards of today, he would have to go to court "a dozen times".[106] According to Der Spiegel, Schmidt dated his departure from "idea and practice of National Socialism" to 1942 and his recognition of the criminal character of the regime to 1944.[107]
BibliographyEdit
MemoirsEdit
|External video|
|Booknotes interview with Schmidt on Men and Powers, 15 April 1990, C-SPAN|
- Menschen und Mächte (Men and Powers), Siedler, Berlin 1987. Memoirs with focus on cold war politics.
- Die Deutschen und ihre Nachbarn (The Germans and their Neighbours), Siedler, Berlin 1990. Strong focus on European politics.
- Kindheit und Jugend unter Hitler, with Willi Berkhan et al. (Childhood and Youth under Hitler). Siedler, Berlin 1992.
- Weggefährten (Companions), Siedler, Berin 1996. Personal memoirs, with focus on personal relations with domestic and foreign politicians
Political books (selection)Edit
- Schmidt, Helmut (1971). Balance of Power. Kimber. ISBN 978-0-7183-0112-5.
- —— (1984). The Soviet Union: Challenges and Responses As Seen from the European Point of View. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 978-9971-902-75-9.
- —— (1987). A Grand Strategy for the West: The Anachronism of National Strategies in an Interdependent World. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-04003-6.
- —— (1989). Men and Powers: A Political Retrospective. Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-56994-9.
- ——; Küng, Hans (1998). A Global Ethic and Global Responsibilities: Two Declarations. SCM Press. ISBN 978-0-334-02740-9.
- —— (2008). Bridging the Divide: Religious Dialogue and Universal Ethics. Queen's Policy Studies. ISBN 978-1-55339-220-0.
- —— (1998). Auf der Suche nach einer öffentlichen Moral (In Search of a Public Morality) (in German). Stuttgart: DVA.
- —— (2000). Die Selbstbehauptung Europas (The Self-Assertion of Europe). Stuttgart: DVA.
- —— (2004). Die Mächte der Zukunft. Gewinner und Verlierer in der Welt von morgen (The Powers of the Future. Winners and Losers in the World of Tomorrow). Munich: Siedler.
- ——; Sieren, Frank (2006). Nachbar China (Neighbour China), Econ. Berlin.
- —— (2008). Ausser Dienst (Out of Service). Munich: Siedler.
Notes and referencesEdit
- ^ Max Otte; Jürgen Greve (2000). A Rising Middle Power?: German Foreign Policy in Transformation, 1989–1999. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-312-22653-4.
- ^ "Ancestry of Henri de Laborde de Monpezat". Wargs. Retrieved 10 September 2013.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k "Helmut Schmidt geb. 1918". Lebendiges Museum Online (in German). Stiftung Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Retrieved 10 November 2015.
- ^ "Sachbücher: Kleiner, großer Mann mit Mütze". Der Spiegel. Retrieved 10 November 2015.
- ^ Lehrer, Steven (2000). Wannsee house and the Holocaust. McFarland. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-7864-0792-7.
- ^ "Told French President of Jewish Origins – Helmut Schmidt's Revelation Reported". Los Angeles Times. 25 February 1988. Retrieved 25 September 2009.
- ^ Walter, Franz (31 December 2006). "Helmut Schmidt: Der deutsche Krisen-Kanzler". Der Spiegel (in German). Retrieved 10 November 2015.
- ^ Janzyk, Stephan (April 2013). Sozialisation in der Hitlerjugend (in German). p. 87. ISBN 978-3-8428-9555-3. Retrieved 12 December 2013.
- ^ "Helmut Schmidt has died, aged 96". The Economist. 10 November 2015.
- ^ Pamperrien, Sabine (2014). Helmut Schmidt und der Scheisskrieg: die Biografie 1918 bis 1945 (in German). ISBN 978-3-492-05677-9. Retrieved 5 January 2017.
- ^ "Was Helmut Schmidt an 'impeccable Nazi'?". The Local. 2 December 2014. Retrieved 6 January 2017.
- ^ "Ich hatte eine Beziehung zu einer anderen Frau". Die Welt (in German). 4 March 2015. Retrieved 10 November 2015.
- ^ Gerwien, Tilman; Schönfeld, Gerda-Marie (23 December 2008). "Helmut Schmidts Tochter Susanne: Kein Platz für Befindlichkeiten". Stern (in German). Retrieved 10 November 2015.
- ^ Woolf, Harry (16 July 1976). "Verleihung der Ehrendoktorwürde der Johns-Hopkins-Universität; Laudatio verlesen von Harry W o o l f bei der Überreichung des Grades eines Doktors der Rechtswissenschaften an Bundeskanzler Helmut Schmidt am 16. Juli 1976" (PDF) (in German). Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 March 2009. Retrieved 20 March 2009.
Bundeskanzler Schmidt wurde 1918 in Hamburg als Sohn eines Lehrers geboren. Er besuchte die fortschrittliche Lichtwarkschule, wo er auch seine zukünftige Frau Hannelore kennenlernte. Im Zweiten Weltkrieg gehörte er einer Flak-Einheit an, wurde mit dem Eisernen Kreuz ausgezeichnet und geriet gegen Ende des Krieges in britische Gefangenschaft
- ^ Wolffsohn, Michael (15 December 2014). "Helmut Schmidt: Vom Oberleutnant zum Soldatenkanzler" (in German). Retrieved 12 November 2015.
- ^ The Daily Telegraph, Wednesday 11 November 2015, Obituary [paper only], p.31
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- ^ The German word Schnauze designates the mouth and nose area of an animal like a dog or a wolf; so the epithet indicates a ready wit and a sharp tongue, suitable for (metaphorically) tearing his opponents' arguments to pieces. In the early years of the Bundestag, it was commonplace to announce a speaker's name followed by his or her electoral district, so Schmidt-Schnauze is also interpreted as a play on words.
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'Drei Dinge fallen mir dazu ein. Erstens: Das Internet gehört kaum zu meiner Welt. Zweitens: Ich empfinde es als bedrohlich. Und drittens: Es hat Zukunft.' Er beklagt insbesondere die Oberflächlichkeit der Kommunikation im Netz.
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- ^ Helmut Schmidt, "The Way of Freedom", in In Pursuit of Truth: Essays on the Philosophy of Karl Popper, On the Occasion of his 80th Birthday, ed. Paul Levinson, Humanities Press, 1982, pp. xi–xii.
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- ^ see List of honorary citizens of Schleswig-Holstein
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As a publisher, he remains a pre-eminent catalyst of transatlantic dialogue and debate.
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- ^ Wiegrefe 2017.
Further readingEdit
- Bark, Dennis L., and David R. Gress. Democracy and Its Discontents 1963–1988 (A History of West Germany) (v. 2) (1989)
- Carr, Jonathan (1985), Helmut Schmidt: Helmsman of Germany, New York: St. Martin's Press, ISBN 978-0-312-36744-2
- Dönhoff, Marion. Foe into Friend: Makers of the New Germany from Konrad Adenauer to Helmut Schmidt (1982)
- Merkl, Peter H. The Federal Republic of Germany at Forty: Union Without Unity (1989)
- Soell, Hartmut. Helmut Schmidt: Pioneer of International Economic and Financial Cooperation (2013) excerpt
- Spohr, Kristina. The Global Chancellor: Helmut Schmidt and the Reshaping of the International Order (Oxford University Press, 2016).
- Wilsford, David, ed. Political leaders of contemporary Western Europe: a biographical dictionary (Greenwood, 1995) pp. 405–13.
External linksEdit
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Helmut Schmidt.|
|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Helmut Schmidt|
- Biography at the German Historic Museum (in German)
- Chancellor Site (in German)
- Helmut Schmidt University
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- Talks:Die Selbstbehauptung Europas im neuen Jahrhundert (German, 2000)[permanent dead link]Kröten und Paragrafenwahn (German, 2006)Schmidt's talk on the occasion of China's Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visiting Hamburg (English, 2006)Interview on nuclear strategy in Europe for the WGBH series, War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
- Interviews:A Talk with Helmut Schmidt, The New York Times, 16 September 1984